In a January Economist article entitled "Democracy's Decline: Crying for Freedom" the author writes, "Given that democracy is unlikely to advance, these days, through the military or economic preponderance of the West, its best hope lies in winning a genuinely open debate. In other words, wavering countries, and skeptical societies, must be convinced that political freedom works best."
The author is right in this description of the problem. In a world of American blunders and rising interest in the Chinese and Russian systems, democracy is no longer seen as the only option. In a world where countries can be world powers without empowering their citizens, it is not so clear that we have reached the end of history. So in this new buffet of political systems, how does democracy best prove itself? The Economist asserts that the strongest argument for democracy is pointing out the the negatives of a non-democratic system. "Democracy may not yield perfect policies, but it ought to guard against all manners of ills, ranging from outright tyranny to larceny at the public expense.
I respectfully disagree. I think it is a poor argument of a protagonist to simply point out the weaknesses of the antagonist. This is especially true of societies in which all too often, people criticize the status quo without providing productive alternatives. The better argument is to take the car salesmen approach: allowing individual citizens to "test drive" democracy.
Just like any good salesman, advocates of democracy must give citizens of non-democratic societies an opportunity to "test drive" the democratic system. But I am not talking about voting in elections, which can all to often be easily corrupted. I am also not talking about participating in protests, which can often be brutally received by regimes, forcing some cynics to link democracy with bloodshed. What I am talking about is providing an opportunity for a citizen to identify a problem in their community, mobilize, advocate, and bring about positive results. This is the essence of democracy--citizens taking their fates, and the welfare of their community, into their own hands.
Yet, grassroots advocacy's humble nature causes it to be overlooked by international donors, who are distracted by its more glamorous yet all the more fallible sister, elections. Elections are obviously essential to democracies, but they demand a much more refined state of political development in order to be effective. They require strong institutions of the executive and legislative branches, an independent judiciary, clearly stated laws guarding the electoral process, outlining punitive measures for violations, developed political parties, and a plethora of other realities which must be in place in order for the election to actually produce a grain of democratic progress. If these mechanisms aren't in place, an illegitimate and fraudulent election will only produce feelings of disaffection and disillusionment in the populace. And in the fight to sell democracy, a premature election will be a major setback.
Grassroots Advocacy, on the other hand, requires fewer institutions, and brings much larger results in the fight to sell democracy. Operating on the mantra of "start in your backyard" citizen based advocacy can attract individuals who otherwise wouldn't involve themselves in the fray of politics, which in many developing countries, is a synonym for corruption, immorality, and avarice.
I am proud to say that I work for an organization that recognizes the value of this approach. In Jordan, the National Democratic Institute (NDI) worked with three grassroots advocacy organizations to identify problems in their community and launch successful advocacy campaigns. By providing training on identifying citizen priorities, mobilizing supporters, working with decision-makers, and other advocacy campaign skills, NDI provided citizens of Karak, Irbid and the Jordan Valley with the skills necessary to empower themselves and make a difference in their community. This "test drive" taught these citizens more about the power of democracy than voting in Jordan's quasi-legitimate elections ever could. In the town of Karak, for instance, citizens identified the issue of air pollution from a poultry farm as a community concern, worked to mobilize citizens, developed petitions, meet with decision makers, and ultimately brought about the installment of filters in the factory, achieving its advocacy goal of bringing cleaner air to the community. The proof is in the pudding, and the best way to convince a disenchanted populace of the fruits of democracy is to put them in the drivers seat. Through citizens-based advocacy, individuals can actually enjoy the merits of democracy. After all, it is the test drive that will sell the car--not merely the commercials on tv.
Sunday, March 14, 2010
Tuesday, March 9, 2010
"Dreams and Shadows" by Robin Wright
"On a warm spring day in April 1983, I stood across from what had been the United States Embassy in Beirut and watched as rescuers picked through tons of mangled steel and concrete littered with glass shards. Tenderly, emergency crews put salvaged bits of bodies in small blue plastic bags. Forensic experts later matched up the pieces so they could be buried together. More than sixty Americans were killed in that lunchtime bombing. Some of the dead had been my friends."
In this opening paragraph of her book, Wright makes her credentials clear. She has done her time as a field reporter in the turbulent Middle East, covering dozens of wars, interviewing political leaders and outlaws, and producing some of the most important stories on the region. Her book is largely a collection of interviews and stories that she has collected over the last three decades as a field reporter, with a smattering of analysis on the people, movements, and ideologies which are shaping the region. Wright divides the book by countries, allotting a chapter to the Palestinians, Morocco, Iraq and the United States, and two chapters to Iran, Egypt and Lebanon. In each chapter, she provides brief to thorough backgrounds on the history of the country, the current political state, and personal interviews with activists and revolutionaries who are pushing for political and social change.
As a student of Middle East history, I didn't learn many political facts from this book; but I received an education nonetheless. Wright's anecdotes and interviews with notorious revolutionaries, wily politicians and brave dissidents are gripping; and shed light on the political dynamics and division which currently rule the Middle East.
Her anecdotes and on Mahmoud Ahmedinejad reveal a country bumpkin thrust into the corridors of power. Her cold analysis of his half-witted domestic policies--terrifying to pragmatic Iranian clerics and American politicians alike--make you realize that this guy is more of a Dubya than he is Cheney, more of a clueless marionette than a malicious manipulator.
Her interviews with Hassan Nasrallah reveal a a practical politician, who may use fiery rhetoric to whip up popular support, but ultimately possesses an even temper, sharp intellect, and the willingness to strike a deal when the stakes are high enough.
If understanding politics is understanding people, than Wright's book is a must-read for both the laymen reader and the Middle East scholar. While I caught a few historical blips (referring to Iran and Israel as the two pillars of U.S. Foreign Policy, it was actually Iran and Saudi Arabia) I would have to say that Wright hit her mark, producing a fine primer on Middle Eastern politics defined by persistent authoritarians and determined dissenters.
For an alternative review of "Dreams and Shadows" check out this New York Times Review
In this opening paragraph of her book, Wright makes her credentials clear. She has done her time as a field reporter in the turbulent Middle East, covering dozens of wars, interviewing political leaders and outlaws, and producing some of the most important stories on the region. Her book is largely a collection of interviews and stories that she has collected over the last three decades as a field reporter, with a smattering of analysis on the people, movements, and ideologies which are shaping the region. Wright divides the book by countries, allotting a chapter to the Palestinians, Morocco, Iraq and the United States, and two chapters to Iran, Egypt and Lebanon. In each chapter, she provides brief to thorough backgrounds on the history of the country, the current political state, and personal interviews with activists and revolutionaries who are pushing for political and social change.
As a student of Middle East history, I didn't learn many political facts from this book; but I received an education nonetheless. Wright's anecdotes and interviews with notorious revolutionaries, wily politicians and brave dissidents are gripping; and shed light on the political dynamics and division which currently rule the Middle East.
Her anecdotes and on Mahmoud Ahmedinejad reveal a country bumpkin thrust into the corridors of power. Her cold analysis of his half-witted domestic policies--terrifying to pragmatic Iranian clerics and American politicians alike--make you realize that this guy is more of a Dubya than he is Cheney, more of a clueless marionette than a malicious manipulator.
Her interviews with Hassan Nasrallah reveal a a practical politician, who may use fiery rhetoric to whip up popular support, but ultimately possesses an even temper, sharp intellect, and the willingness to strike a deal when the stakes are high enough.
If understanding politics is understanding people, than Wright's book is a must-read for both the laymen reader and the Middle East scholar. While I caught a few historical blips (referring to Iran and Israel as the two pillars of U.S. Foreign Policy, it was actually Iran and Saudi Arabia) I would have to say that Wright hit her mark, producing a fine primer on Middle Eastern politics defined by persistent authoritarians and determined dissenters.
For an alternative review of "Dreams and Shadows" check out this New York Times Review
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